Party without left wing

party without left wing

Image: Annalena Baerbock/Stefan Kaminski/CC-BY-SA 4.0. Image: Robert Habeck/GruneSH/CC BY-SA 3.0

The new Green leadership Annalena Baerbock and Robert Habeck

If the term "make honest" not so terribly hackneyed, the election of Annalena Baerbock and Robert Habeck as the two party leaders of the Grunen was aptly named. Both belong to the party right, which actually has only one goal: To co-govern. So even Orban’s friends from the CSU are no longer an obstacle, the FDP anyway. This has long been perceived as competition in the bourgeois electoral segment.

Governing at any price

The exploratory talks on the formation of a coalition of FDP, Grunen and Union have shown that such alliances will not fail because of the Grunen. On the contrary, after the failure of such a coalition by the FDP, the Grunen were really sad that it didn’t work out.

And they were full of praise for how united the entire party was in the exploratory talks, how they all had only one goal, to finally be recognized by the FDP and the CDU/CSU as equal partners. This interest was shared by Cem ozdemir, Claudia Roth and Jurgen Trittin. From this point on, it was clear that there were no more leftists and realists, there were only communists.

With the election of Baerbock and Habeck, the party congress then only consistently implemented what everyone in the party had been saying for weeks. Why still a representation of a left wing, if it does not play a role in real politics??

A short excursion into history shows that the party has actually not had a left wing since the early 1990s. At that time, the left-wingers around Thomas Ebermann, Rainer Trampert, Manfred Zieran and Jutta Ditfurth left the party. There were protagonists of quite different left-green and okosocialist party concepts. Because it was clear to them that they could not implement these with either the SPD or the CDU/CSU, they rejected government alliances with both parties.

At most, a limited tolerance of the SPD was conceivable for them at the state level. The question of governmental alliances was secondary for them. It was about left concepts for the ocosocialist transformation of society. The party left hoped that the anti-nuclear movement, which was still strong in the 1980s, as well as the new social movements as a whole, would serve as a flywheel.

But they were mistaken about the character of these movements. Although the still in the second half of the 1980s in the FRG at the construction fences of Wackersdorf and elsewhere produced an astonishing mass militancy and thus also prevented some nuclear power plants, they did not become the vanguard of a lasting movement critical of capitalism and the state in Germany.

Rather, they became the swinging mass of a renewed capitalism and abandoned their positions critical of the state and capitalism. This development was reinforced by the upheavals of 1989, but they were not the cause. All over the world, the heirs of 1968, and there above all okology, were the pioneers of modern capitalism, which in Germany has been described with the phrase of the "okosocial renewal" has found its best propagandist in the Taz commentator Peter Unfried.

The left wing of the party soon found itself without a base and, from the mid-1980s onward, came under increasing fire within the party and was eventually ousted.

Gruner label swindle

What then reussed from the beginning of the 1990s as the left wing of the Grunen was actually a labeling fraud. This was increasingly the name given to those who only wanted to form a coalition with the SPD, but not with the CDU/CSU and the FDP. But since, as the exploratory talks have shown, everyone wants to govern with everyone, it is only logical that the appropriate consequences should now be drawn at the party conference with the election.

When Christian Strobele now publicly denies and declares that the left wing still exists among the Greens, he is only fulfilling a function he has performed for 25 years. It simulates a left wing that has long since ceased to exist.

In this way, he was able to keep some left-wingers in line. Whether that succeeds also Strobeles successor Canan Bayram is questionable. Finally, she was subjected to massive criticism within the party after she declared that she did not want to join a coalition of Union and FDP. The fact that she "green Sarrazin", the Mayor of Tubingen, Boris Palmer (, even recommended to keep his mouth shut, was received even more ungraciously.

Bayram was above all criticized for actually wanting to conduct substantive debates and not considering questions of social transformation to be obsolete.

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